Friday, March 17, 2006

Sickle mullahs

mar 17th

more on the marxist-mohammedan nexus.

on orders from the china-pakistan-saudi arabia nexus?

or is it just that the marxists have a death wish? remember najibullah, the afghan marxist leader, hanged from a lamp-post. or read the fascinating article on the ichneumon wasp.

once again, please note that the marxists have sidelined an OBC ezhava candidate (achuthanandan) for chief minister. they did this previously with k r gowri, who was also an ezhava and a woman to boot, and the smartest marxist in kerala. she quit the party in disgust.

did i ever mention the marxists are (after the christists) the most casteist people in india? they *always* project upper-caste people for the plum posts. now they have extended the principle to mohammedans as well. anybody but the OBCs and dalits! that is their slogan. (also remember adikanta duliya, a dalit in west bengal burnt alive by the marxists. there was no best bakery circus or uc banerjee bullshit in that case. why? because the human rights of dalits clearly dont matter to the human rights cottage industry. only the human rights of mohammedans matters.)

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Ra

Sickle mullahs

By Arun Lakshman

The Malappuram state conference of the CPI(M) in 2005 was unique in that the party choose that place only to pander to retrograde minority sentiments. The Marxists had selected Malappuram, the district with the heaviest concentration of Muslims, after the victory of its leader, TK Hamza, from Manjeri in the last Lok Sabha polls. Hamza's triumph upset the applecart of the Muslim League. The latter had always taken the constituency for granted and it had retained it through successive election with huge margins. Once the Marxists tasted blood, they decided to consolidate their party's hold in the area to ensure that it was no one off. Incidentally, the creation of Malappuram is linked to their former general secretary, EMS Namboodiripad.

Inaugurating the reception committee office of the Malappuram state conference, the state secretary, Pinarayi Vijayan, said that the party had chosen Malappuram to showcase its concerns for Muslims with a view to strengthening its bonds with the community. A pravasi organisation based in West Asia, considered the arm of the CPI(M) in the Gulf, had conducted a conference six months prior to the Malappuram meet where the decorative arches were filled with portraits of Variyam Kunnath Kunhahmad Haji and Chembrasseri Thangal, the leaders of the infamous Moplah riots of 1921. These events proved the extent to which the Marxists are dependant on icons of Islamic fundamentalism for their political survival and the lengths to which they would go to mollify communal sentiments.

The Malappuram state conference tried to out shadow the Congress, Muslim League and even Islamic forces in promoting the cause of pan-Islamism. The town - in fact the entire district - was decorated with posters and giant cutouts of Saddam Hussein and Yasser Arafat. It was difficult to understand what the theme of the conference was: Islamic brotherhood or world revolution. There were even posters and banners with messages and drawings pointing out connections between Islamic fundamentalism and "revolutionary dogma" spun by Marx and Engels. It was clear that the CPI(M) was out to convey the message to Muslims that they would be prepared to perform handstands to impress the Muslims. Quite naturally, the minds of ordinary Malayalees were bombarded by images of Muslim barbarity from the past, particularly the experience of Nadapuram, a Communist stronghold in north Kerala.

The Muslim League, of course, feels justified in keeping Islamist fundamentalism alive and kicking. In the recent district committee meeting held in Malappuram, there were huge billboards depicting E Ahmad, the Minister of State for External Affairs in the Manmohan government, holding the hand of the hardline Iranian President, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. The slogan below the picture read: "Not to be separated but to be closer."

The question which nationalists may find entitled to ask is: Why are foreign mascots used by nationalist claiming political parties? During the first Gulf war, several streets and villages in the Muslim pockets of Kerala were renamed "Saddam Street" and "Saddam village". Political workers, both of the Left and Muslim camps, competed with each other for space in the Islamic vision of a just world order. Massive protest marches were held throughout the state against the US strike in Iraq, and now it's the turn of Iran to be at the centre of that competition.

In the Muslim stronghold of Karuvarakkundu, youths showing support to the Muslim League, with the support of certain office bearers of a mosque committee, have issued a fatwa against Muslims who joined the Communist parties. They had taken out some points from a book written by a West Asia-based Islamic preacher, Yusuf-ul- Khardawi, in which he had criticised Communism. There were issues in the area based on this and fatwas were issued threatening non-burial after death to those Muslims to turned Communist.

Islamic organisations, whether moderate or extremist, are nowadays falling over each other to invite Ul-Khardawi to their conferences and meetings. This can be directly linked to a new phenomenon of inviting Islamic leaders from abroad, especially West Asia, for meetings and conferences organised by almost all Islamic groups. Some office bearers of these organisations told The Pioneer that these people are invited mainly to show them the "progress of the work" conducted by them - either construction of a mosques or an orphanage - with petrodollar donations. In Kozhikode alone, there are organisations which used to collect huge funds from individuals and governments from the Gulf region.

The recent deliberations within the CPI(M) regarding its chief ministerial candidate, VS Achuthanandan, also had its origins in the minority appeasement issue. Achuthanandan was cleverly pushed out from the poll fray. The reason furnished by state leaders before the central committee was that he was "anti-minority" and "anti-development". The Muslim League had also pillored Achuthanandan as being anti-minority. If both these statements are read together, one can find some interesting similarities. The CPI(M) has decided to enter the poll fray by projecting Paloli Mohammed Kutty, a veteran leader, as the chief minister candidate. But whether this is a ploy to woo Muslims or based on some genuine superiority over Achuthanandan can only be ascertained after the polls.


indianpatriot said...

Rajeev you were predicting so confidently that Left Front would win in Kerala. Even though I donot like christist Chandy led UDF to win ( I would have preferred a hung assembly with BJP and Karunakaran on being third front. However my knowledge of kerala politics is so limited. Except places like Manjeshwar and Kasargod where I have relatives and where BJP is just near the hump to enter assembly). If UDF wins Marxists will withdraw support. If LDF comes to power they will think of third front endangering UPA. My only wish that the budget session to be the last of UPA. I did a quick analysis and my analysis showed NDA with 250 + seats (excluding TDP and AIADMK). With TDP around 15 seats and AIADMK with 25 seats there should be next NDA govt if elections are held after invitable parliament dissolution. Here is an excellent article how BJP is reinventing itself after Rajnath took over. I had hoped for an young BJP leader to take the country to new direction. I am convinced Rajnath is the person. (Not old Jinnah admiring Advani or Uncle Sam admiring Jashwant Singh).

Column Free Press Journal

Winds of change in the BJP

By P Raman |

Functional and policy-related changes introduced by new president Rajnath Singh in the BJP have surpassed all earlier expectations. The general perception has been that he has bee able to effect only cosmetic changes in the party organisation after the RSS-forced regime change two months back. It is true that he has retained almost the entire Advani crowd at crucial positions. However, a closer look will reveal the sweeping nature of the transformation at a rather quick pace.

Read more hard-hitting columns

Prithviraj Road is no more the BJP's centre of universe. When L K Advani met George Bush, he carefully avoided any commitment on the nuclear deal. Apparently, he cannot take decisions on impulses any more, and has to go by the extended parivar's collective wisdom. Ashok Road is once again attaining primacy as it did before the personality cult got entrenched in the once cadre-based BJP.

Instead of a sole centre of power, consultations are now being held on crucial issues at places like Jhandawalon, Nagpur, Race Course Road and, of course, the party headquarters. Gone are the days when a backroom boy could go to the durbar, do an impressive presentation of a bright idea and make it the day's party policy.

Even those like Murli Manohar Joshi, who remained sidelined all these years, are being heard with respect. The new president has already given notice that he is not going to be a walkover. Henceforth decisions on important issues will have to be arrived at on collective wisdom.

He has adopted a system of behind-the-scene consultations on important matters, first with the parivar bosses, and then present them for formal discussions and decision at the party bodies. While explaining the background, he would subtly hint at the inclinations of those who matter, and to be reasonable, would make it clear that the final say would remain with the party.

The idea is to confront the colleagues on disputed issues with a fait accompli even while tying to seek their valuable views to accommodate them in the best possible manner. To strengthen his position further, he would often talk to office-bearers individually to convey what the parivar circles desire. When Rajnath Singh retained the Advani chelas en bloc, many had expected that the smart set could dominate the debates and the new president with his mofussil background would find it difficult to have his say.

The problem was thought to be more challenging at the meetings of the BJP parliamentary party office-bearers presided over by Advani. There was also talk of the parliamentary wing following its own game plan on the floor of the House. But Advani's cooperation, however guarded it might be, and the long shadow of the big brother have helped avert any such unpleasant situations.

What has further strengthened the new president's position was that some of the former Advani accolades have also been quick to sense the power shift. They have quietly readjusted themselves accordingly.

True, Rajnath Singh had initially faced many hurdles. The Advani camp has at the beginning tried to pour cold water on the new president's views (of course, reflecting that of Nagpur) on the Indo-US nuclear deal. The appointment of Brajesh Mishra, whose views on the deal was spurned by the old establishment, as the foreign cell's convener has been a clear signal about his determination to move ahead with the `combined wisdom', i.e., the opinion of the entire parivar.

The RSS had assigned two tasks to Rajnath Singh—‘deCongressisation', which includes dismantling of the personality cult-based leadership structure, and a return to Hindutva and allied ideas like nationalism, swabhiman and swadeshi. He has already achieved the first part. Reversion to Hindutva had begun even before Advani formally remitted the office on December 31. The new BJP loses no opportunity to hit at issues like minority ‘appeasement', Bangladeshis, AMU bill and reservation for Muslims. All this is done without bothering much about the sentiments of the NDA allies many of whom have already deserted the BJP.

Unlike earlier, the party strongly resented the US mediation in Kashmir and the proposed ‘self-rule' which, it said, was initiated under duress before the Bush visit. Rajnath Singh has already been able to leave behind the Advani era practice of daily disruption/boycott of Parliament. During the budget session, the BJP responses have been more purposeful and mature. The party MPs did disrupt the house and walked out on issues like the PMO's letter to the CBI on Advani case. But the protests have been more orderly and measured. Unlike the shortsighted impulses from the durbar, there have been wider consultations on the more controversial issues like Iran voting, nuclear deal and Indo-US relations.

When the Indo-US defence and the agreement for nuclear accord were signed during Advani's presidentship, his advisers were divided on how to respond. Incidentally, both sides had based their arguments not on merits of the treaties, but how best they could be used to pin down the UPA government. Now an ideologically hardened BJP, apart from its political interests, would give weightage to the Hindutva ideals of suraksha, swabhiman and swadeshi. For instance, on Iran the party will be happy that an Islamic state is being punished. But while doing so, it also resented the arm-twisting on India by an avidly Judeo-Christian US president. Hence, it welcomed the Indian vote against Iran, but protested the US pressure.

Such balanced responses were rare under the old regime. On the nuclear agreement, the earlier leadership had avoided any harsh criticism on the plea that a future ruling party should not displease the international community. It had even rejected a reasoned statement on the agreement drafted by Brajesh Mishra and felt annoyed at Yashwant Sinha's public remarks. Incidentally, weeks after this, the new president, after wider consultations among the parivar, released almost the same rejected draft of Mishra in the form of an ‘open letter' to the PM.

The BJP remains sharply divided on the issue of political application of nationalism, swabhiman and swadeshi. These involve issues like Indo-US relationship, minimum nuclear deterrent and India's national interests while enforcing reform and globalisation. Hence the new BJP chief desires a wider debate within the parivar to define their parameters for the party to follow. This could be on the lines of the old Sariska meet in 1992 after which the BJP had come out with its Gandhinagar document. The RSS and the new president are also reported to be keen on restoring the kind of institutional mechanism for regular consultations that had existed before the Congressisation.

iamfordemocracy said...

Communism was always an upper caste rule. As for Fundamentalists interests displacing and ruling party interests, here is an interesting observation. In the 60's and 50's, Indian films were dominated by Bengali Heroes .. Ashok Kumar, Gurudatta..and so on. With the dominance of Khans, can you name any Bengali hero in Bolywood today?

iamfordemocracy said...

Contrary to what many believe, BJP mostly operated as a non-democratic party most of the times. There might not have been a Family ruling it, but the top guys had too much control...and mostly because the cadre and aam janata attaches too many virtues to the top leaders. That has to change if BJP hopes to improve.

And then, BJP is prone to commiting unforced errors. For the latest by Rajnath Singh, offending national heroes..

virat0 said...

It is nice, the Sonia Gandhi whose unwritten speech would have cost millions ( if they existed) is democratic, and so also the chinese paid marxists. That the BJP got defeated is one thing, finding these non existent or futuristic excuses are hillarious.

Kalyani said...

Good one Virat0!

Kalyani said...

Oh,by the way,I COMpletely agree with what Sri.Rajnath Singh has said!!

san said...

Again, I compare this Red-Green Axis to the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, which was infamously signed between Stalin's regime and Nazi Germany. The alliance between the Leftists and the Islamofascists is an example of their moral and political bankruptcy.

Kalyani said...

Read the one on ichneumon wasp.I feel the stark terror facing us has not really had much of an impact on most.

I Am ssscared.Many of my own circle imagine I am overreacting!

someone said...

OT: Did anyone read today's Indian Express about Babri masjid action committee cheif and (I think) MPLB cheif meeting the hurriyat conference chief and expressing their support?

So now they are officially anti-India.

EkSh00nyaSh00nya said...

This 4:

Gurudutt was not Bengali-his wife Geeta Dutt nee Roy was infact. Gurudutt was actually a Saraswat Brahmin 4m Mangalore, Karnataka, and his surname was Padukone.

Most of the people think of Gurudutt as Bengali 'coz he had spend some time in Bengal when he joined the dance-troupe of Late Sh Udai Shankar (elder brother of the Sitarist Pt. Ravi Shankar), and also went to Almora (then in United Provinces or UP, now Uttaranchal) where the elder Shankar had a dance academy.

With the dominance of Khans....

Well, my dear friend, r u forgetting we Indians r suppose 2 wear r 'sickularism' on r sleeves otherwise it would be such an embarassment 4 us if we don't actually 'promote' these Khans 2 the top of the Hindi Movie industry (I abhor the term 'Bollywood' as if the Hindi cinema is a clone of Hollywood and has no identity on its own--well just 4 the uninformed--Indian movies cater 2 a totally different audience and r of diff. genre than what Holloywood churns out).

Oh, btw, did I mention that more than half the world watches Indian movies and as is pretty much known that India makes the largest # of movies in the world--how come that backward, poverty-infested, caste-ridden India has such a huge industry (thats what the Westerns tend 2 think and sneer at the format--corny dances, boy-meets-girl romances and sudden breaking into songs--they never seem 2 get it and can always,as is their habit, grandstand and pontificate on whats wrong with India or its people, products 4 that matter)!

The Khans esp. Shahrukh and Aamir always have so much luv 4 'sickularism' that it literally tears ur hear out. I remember reading an interview of Aamir, that appeared in one of the Hindi dailies (methink it was either 'Jagran' or 'Amar Ujala') where the 'almighty' Khan pontificated as 2 how he realized that he was a Muslim after the demaolition of Babri Masjid in 1992.

I m thinking that somebody should tell this morion that the Indian masses have been carryying him (and his Muslim brethren-Shahrukh, Salman) for almost two decades know and at their own peril glorified their nuances--even handed out a Padma Shree (or Vibhushan) to the obnoxious Shahrukh Khan and then this dude suffers from a verbal diaorrhea regardin smoking in Indain movies.

Well, v Indians never seem 2 learn do we?