Kashmir in Economist

jan 22nd

simon long wants us to give kashmir to pakistan. no skin off his nose, of course.

we should make a deal with the brits: we'll give kashmir to pakistan when you give londonistan to the mullahs.

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From: Raj

http://www.economist.com/world/asia/displaystory.cfm?story_id=E1_VQNNSJD

Kashmir

The long game
Jan 19th 2006 | DELHI
>From The Economist print edition


A glimpse of a Kashmir settlement, if India wants one
                                                                 Reuters
Reuters
As good as it gets



THE latest series of five-day cricket matches between India and Pakistan
began on January 13th with two days of aggressive Pakistani batting.
When its turn came, India had no choice but to try to avoid defeat by
batting out the match. The two countries' peace process seems to be
running on similar lines. Adventurous Pakistani diplomacy tries to force
a result: India plays for time.

On January 17th, the neighbours' most senior diplomats met in Delhi for
the latest talks in a two-year old "composite dialogue". The two sides
have made great strides in establishing confidence-building measures,
such as cricket matches. But there is little sign of real progress on
the dispute that has soured their relations for nearly 60 years: divided
Kashmir.

Pakistan's president, Pervez Musharraf, has often expressed frustration,
and keeps coming up with ideas, which India sniffily rejects or ignores.
Yet the general's latest musing, which, typically, was spelled out in a
television interview earlier this month, is tantalisingly close to
something India could, in theory, accept. India's prime minister,
Manmohan Singh, insists that there can be no redrawing of international
boundaries, ie, of the "line of control", disputed by Pakistan, that
divides Kashmir in the absence of an agreed border. General Musharraf's
latest formulation accepts this. He argues instead for
"self-governance" (which, he says cryptically, "falls in between
autonomy and independence") in both Indian- and Pakistani-controlled
Kashmir and a period of "joint management" of some subjects by India,
Pakistan and Kashmiris themselves.

India resents General Musharraf's habit of conducting his diplomacy
through television interviews and refused to comment on this. But it
does seem to contain at least a basis for negotiation, which in the past
has been missing. The climate, however, does not seem conducive to a
breakthrough. The general raised Indian hackles by suggesting again that
India should "demilitarise" some of Kashmir, pointing out that
"self-governance" will hardly be possible with hundreds of thousands of
Indian soldiers there.

Indian patience was already strained by what it says is continued
Pakistan-inspired terrorism in Kashmir itself as well as a co-ordinated
bombing in Delhi last October, in which more than 60 people died, and a
gun attack in a science institute in Bangalore in December. The general
himself had been incensed by India's expression of concern about the
"spiralling violence" in Baluchistan, and in turn accused India of
financing and training insurgents, which India denies.

This exchange of accusations recalled the bad old days before the peace
process was launched in 2003. But the talks in Delhi made some progress,
with discussion of more confidence-building measures, such as the
opening of new crossing-points on the line of control, and an Indian
proposal to halt building of new army posts along it. A bus that
sporadically links the capitals of the two parts of Kashmir remains the
most visible sign of progress.

None of this, however, is likely to mollify Pakistani critics of the
peace process, who suspect that India has no real interest in a Kashmir
settlement, sees the peace process as an effective means of avoiding
one, and strings the general along.

Nor can India point to much progress in efforts to repair relations
between Delhi and Indian-held Kashmir. Mr Singh met the main separatist
group, the All-Party Hurriyat Conference, last September, but there has
been no follow-up. On January 14th he met Sajjad Lone, a Kashmiri
separatist leader who has fallen out with the Hurriyat. This was
portrayed as part of an effort to engage all sides of Kashmiri opinion.
That is a worthy aim. But it is taking a very long time, and many
Kashmiris, as well as Pakistanis, are in a hurry.